Rice Crisis in Davao
Daily News
– I wrote this on the 2nd, but couldn’t post until now –
A round-up of news from today’s local papers, just to give some context on what this place is like:
- Rice prices up 10 pesos per kilo in the last week, hitting record highs of 50 pesos in some municipalities. Panic ensuing.
- Writ of habeus corpus filed on behalf of broadcaster Lex Adonis, after a Davao prison warden refused to release him despite a court order. (Adonis is accused of making unflattering remarks about a local power broker)
- Update on 255 farmers and their families who have taken refuge in a local gymnasium after fleeing from military operations in Compostela Valley
- Local government officials in say they don’t know anything about the MILF peace process beyond what they “read in the papers and hear from our constituents.”
- Update on Zamboanga businessman kidnapped my suspected Abu Sayyaf militants.
- The military claiming MILF factions are behind a deadly bombing at an airbase in Zamboanga.
- Still no word on who’s behind sabotage of power lines.
- Various murders, and helpful advice from vice-Mayor Sara Duterte that pubs and restuarants should “hire more security” promises to look into laws to require frisking all patrons.
- Proposed fare hikes for public transportation, to make up for increased fuel prices.
Oh…and a local girl won Miss Teen Philippines!
I <3 the Philippines.
Philippines uli
I finally have a confirmed ticket to and from the Philippines this summer. Philippine Airlines certainly made me sweat a bit (I didn’t know until this morning whether I had to be ready to leave on Sunday) but in the end, I got exactly the itinerary I wanted — not bad for an (almost) free ticket.
I should be in Mindanao for June — Davao, Cagayan de Oro, and maybe a brief visit to Zamboanga. Early July in Jakarta, Bandung and maybe Jogjya, back to Manila for the International Conference on Philippine Studies, and then two weeks to do whatever seems most useful/interesting (probably archival research. sigh. I remember when I had other definitions for ‘interesting’). And then…back to grad school.
Get in touch if you’re going to be in or near any of these places! (Except grad school, which I don’t want to hear about.)
In tangentially related news, Philippine human rights monitor Karapatan has just released their human rights report for the first quarter of this year, documenting 96 reported cases of severe human rights violations between January and March, including 13 extrajudicial executions. The report, unfortunately, does not seem to be available online, though I have a pdf I’m happy to pass on. The Inquirer has a summary here, but note they count violations by number of ‘incidents’ rather than number of victims.
More Rizal
I’m back to Jose Rizal again. For someone whose professed interest is human rights and modern political science, I seem to spend a lot of time studying 19th century intellectual history. (It is all related, I swear!). For all that I find many of Rizal’s political stances objectionable, I can’t help but feel great affection for the man when I actually read his work.
This letter, written to Filipino revolutionary Mariano Ponce in 1889, made me laugh:
Dear Friend,
I have sent you the proofs long ago. If you did not receive them, they must have been lost. Send me immediately other proofs; I have the manuscript.
We have many enemies and they are furious. Let us face the fight so that we shall not be disunited.
I am going to the library.
The Other Peace Process in Mindanao
While public attention is focused on peace negotiations between the Philippine Government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and the Communist Party of the Philippines, a third, much quieter peace process has been underway in Mindanao. Since 2003, the Revolutionary Worker’s Party of Mindanao (Rebolusyonaryang Partido ng Manggagawa ng Mindanao – RPM-M) has been in negotiation with the government to end three decades of conflict.
Mediated by Balay Mindanaw, a local NGO, and conducted locally, transparently, and with the involvement of the affected communities, this “other peace process” is focused on identifying and meeting the needs of villagers before an agreement is signed.
By giving all affected parties ownership over the process, focusing on the needs of communities rather than politicians, and avoiding high-profile international involvement, the process has avoided much of the chaos, violence and media posturing that mars negotiations with the MILF and the CPP. Unfortunately, corruption and insincerity on the part of the government and government contractors (and the unwillingness of international agencies to give aid before a final agreement is brokered) threaten to undermine the process. Villagers often do not see the infrastructure projects they are promised — and every time the government fails to deliver its side of the bargain, it becomes more difficult to reengage communities in the peace talks.
I had the chance to meet with Balay Mindanaw president Kaloy Manlupig earlier this week, and was very impressed by his commitment to the peace process. I’m hoping to visit the affected areas this summer, so more on this later…
(And I’m going to quickly note here that US involvement in the region is, of course, complicating this process as well — partly by pushing the Philippine government further towards a manichaean division between “good guys” and “bad guys” that discourages negotiation with “enemies” and “terrorists” like the RPM-M and the villagers who support them, and partly by threatening to disrupt the ceasefire in its hunt for “terrorists” in Mindanao.)
Protecting the Boys
I haven’t felt in the mood for blogging lately but after reading about the release of a US Marine charged with raping a 14-year old Okinawan girl, I’m reminded of this piece on a similar case in the Philippines, which I wrote a for a class a few months ago and never did anything with:
On December 4, 2006, Philippine courts sentenced U.S. marine Daniel Smith to 40 years in prison for raping a Filipina. The verdict was a dramatic victory for people seeking to hold American servicemen accountable for their crimes against civilian populations.
On December 29, 2006, the hopes raised by Smith’s conviction were shattered when the US Embassy removed him from Philippine custody.
Smith remains in the custody of the US Embassy in Manila while he appeals the verdict, causing widespread public outrage in the Philippines. The impulse to prevent Smith from languishing in an overcrowded, under-serviced prison while his case is resolved is understandable. But the “protect our boys” ethic that underlies it, which dictates that U.S. personnel abroad should invariably be shielded from local accountability, needs to be seriously reexamined.
In the Philippines, this case was clearly tied to US-Philippine military relations from the moment it hit the front pages. It was precisely this kind of crime — and the lack of accountability that accompanied it — that led to the expulsion of US Military bases from the Philippines in 1992.
After years of lobbying, the US military was allowed to return in 1999 under a new Visiting Forces Agreement. Among the key features of this agreement are provisions guaranteeing the Philippines greater power to try and punish American soldiers for serious crimes.
Smith’s trial was the first major test of the renegotiated agreement, and the guilty verdict gave Filipinos reason to believe that the era of American impunity had ended. Instead, within weeks of Smith’s conviction, the United States pressured the Philippine government to transfer Smith to American custody by threatening to cut aid and cancel joint military exercises.
Using the power of the state to shield Smith transformed his crime from an isolated incident into a statement of U.S. foreign policy. While asking the Philippines to stand shoulder-to-shoulder in the war on terror, the United States effectively refused to acknowledge the Philippines’ equal right to protect its citizens, and undermined the very democratic institutions the war on terror is purported to protect.
America’s insistence on protecting a convicted rapist at the expense of Philippine sovereignty underscores an unequal partnership the Philippines, one of America’s staunchest allies in the war on terror, has every right to resent. On the anniversary of Smith’s conviction, protesters stormed the US Embassy in Manila calling for Smith’s return to local authorities and demanding the repeal of the Visiting Forces Agreement. As this call goes unheeded, resentment builds.
Filipinos are understandably upset by an ethos that “protects our boys” above all else. Shouldn’t we be too?
Erap and Sin
Estrada: RP suffering for defying Vatican in 2001 uprising
“Claiming vindication, former president Joseph Estrada said on Monday the country has been suffering because the late Jaime Cardinal Sin did not heed “God’s voice” and, instead, backed the Edsa II People Power revolt, despite a Vatican order to stay away.” more...
I first read this story yesterday, and I still can’t stop laughing about it. Estrada’s chutzpah on this one is almost unbelievable.
It was recently revealed that the highly influential — and very amusingly named — Cardinal Sin defied orders from the Vatican when he leant his support to the 2001 “People Power II” movement that swept Estrada from power.
The role of the Church in Philippine politics is ambiguous, and a case can certainly be made for church-elite collaboration against even pseudo-populist politicians like Estrada (Eva-Lotta Hedman’s In the Name of Civil Society is one interesting take). But for Estrada to take this moralistic tone is pretty incredible.
This is the man who managed to reach transparency international’s top-ten list of all-time most corrupt leaders after just 31 months in office! In addition to old standards like graft, kickbacks, complicity in drug smuggling and illegal gambling, Estrada was particularly notorious for spending millions of dollars in ill-gotten gains buying houses for his various mistresses.
But of course, the problems in the Philippines are not caused by corrupt, morally bankrupt leadership. Oh no, says Estrada, it’s because god is punishing the country for Cardinal Sin’s disobedience.
Wala siyang hiya! Ang kapal ng mukha nya!
The Arroyo Imbroglio
I highly recommend “The Arroyo Imbroglio in the Philippines,” political scientist (and former teacher of mine) Paul Hutchcroft’s new article in The Journal of Democracy to anyone interested in a lucid summary of a century of Philippine political history. In an impressively concise article (13 pages), Hutchcroft manages to address most of the key issues facing the Philippine political system — corruption, fraud, violence, human rights abuses, impunity, insurgency and public disenchantment — in a manner accessible to a non-specialist.
Although the Philippines can boast the oldest democratic structures in Asia, they are currently weak and lacking in legitimacy. Battered by scandal after scandal, these structures need careful and well-considered reform if they are to survive. read more..
Glorietta update from the PCIJ
A while back, I posted on the Glorietta Mall explosion in the Philippines.
The Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism has just released an interesting report on the case:
Glorietta 2 blast: Bomb or gas? by Avigail Olarte
WHILE the Philippine National Police (PNP) considers the case closed, other experts continue to doubt the results of the investigation on the Glorietta 2 blast that left 11 people killed and 108 injured in October last year.It doesn’t help that the police has flip-flopped on the matter, at first declaring the explosion was caused by a bomb — a terrorist act even — only to later say that it
was triggered by gas build-up. And the report of a Malaysian forensic expert showing that traces of explosives were found in the mall’s basement only bolsters speculations that itwas a bomb. read more…
Watch a Tagalog-language video from GMA TV the day of the explosion, in which the Police claim the explosion was most likely caused by a bomb – don’t want to embed it, because it’s on auto play, and starts with a creepy real estate ad.
Head, Body and Feet; or, what I’ve been doing with my life
I’m pretty sure only one person will really appreciate this (and you will very quickly know who you are, my friend) but since I’ve been too busy and burned out to do any extra-curricular writing these last few days, I figured I’d post this:
[1] Renato Constantino, Dissent and Counter-Consciousness (Quezon City: Malaya Books, Inc., 1970) p.135.
[2] Rizal-Morga, p. 300, referring here to Catholicism’s failure to liberate the poor.
[3] Ibid, 297, n. 2. “Esta es la division eterna que se encuentra y se encontrara en todas partes, en todos los reinos y republicas: clase dominadora, clase productora y clase servil: cabeza, cuerpo y pies.” In other notes, Rizal gives considerable attention to the question of slavery, generally condemning the practice, but noting that slavery in the Philippines was benign compared to European systems, and could more accutately be described as debt-bondage. (see footnotes p. 294.295)
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I should note, also, that I got a chance to slag off Ileto, although I had to confine it to a footnote. Let’s just say I have convincing evidence that he never read the Morga.
Did we ever have lives?


